TAIPEI, Taiwan — If peace ever crosses the Taiwan Strait, the benefits will extend far beyond Beijing and Taipei in terms of regional security, stability and prosperity. Are the top contenders for president in the United States thinking about that possibility?

Probably not, considering how the international economic crisis has eclipsed virtually every other topic. Indeed, the downturn, which is straining shoulders here as much as anywhere, is usually mentioned first in discussions with government officials, business people, educators and average citizens. But as potential solutions continue to spring forth and global confidence returns — and I perceive signs of willingness to move ever so gingerly in that direction — Democratic pick Barack Obama and Republican nominee John McCain should place the China-Taiwan subject on their list of foreign-policy priorities.

Although essentially no chance exists of an enduring settlement between Beijing and Taipei during the next U.S. presidential administration, the quality and tone of their interaction will either diminish or add to America's short-term challenges and stress in East Asia.

Cross-strait tensions date to the end of a tumultuous civil conflict that divided China and Taiwan nearly six decades ago. Exacerbated by the Cold War, the dispute developed into a permanent feature of the region. Recently, the independence-minded presidency of Taiwan's Chen Shui-bian, which concluded this year, added an extra dose of agitation.

Now, those who know China and its history of resentfully succumbing to foreign influence in times of weakness understand the country's overriding concern with its territorial integrity. As Beijing looks out at the world, it has certain interrelated emphases; among them, Taiwan's reincorporation ranks at the top. Thus, there is no reason to question or test the seriousness of Chinese leaders' frequent, intensely stated warnings about the dire consequences of a Taiwanese bid for independence.

PARADIGM SHIFT

At the same time, what is the point of making distasteful scenarios and disruptive talk the prism through which the relationship is viewed? Why not, as President Ma Ying-jeou pragmatically advocates, set aside contentious matters, focus on areas of mutual interest and agreement — such as economic cooperation — and, by so doing, build trust?

That approach provides a constructive context in which the views from Taipei and Beijing can become increasingly complementary, allowing the two sides to maximize the benefits of their common language and culture, can-do economies and proximity.

Of course, it is important to acknowledge that not all Taiwanese support Ma's initiatives. Enough of them felt dismayed by the uncooperative stance of his predecessor, however, that they voted for a change. The results speak for themselves: an improved overall atmosphere and tangible benefits, notably easier access for Taiwanese to China and for mainlanders to Taiwan.

Those gains should make it easier to maneuver around issues in the "set-aide" category that inevitably shadow China-Taiwan dealings, for example, the recently approved U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. China has predictably complained and even canceled some cooperative activities with the United States. Is the fuss truly serious, though?

Considering that the weapons in the arms package plainly are designed for defensive purposes and that Taiwan's new leadership does not preoccupy itself with making independence noises, I would say no. In any event, the arms sales underscore America's commitment to Taiwan's security, as well as its desire that the island's future be determined by peaceful means and in keeping with the wishes of the Taiwanese people.

TOWARD PEACE

My expectation is that China will move past its pique without significant consequences, especially in light of opportunities beckoning from a continuing series of talks between high-level negotiators representing quasi-governmental agencies in China and Taiwan. Potential agenda items include expanding direct, cross-strait transportation connections, from passenger to cargo flights; improving oversight for food products in the wake of China's powdered-milk scandal; and broadening information-sharing about earthquake preparedness and response.

Ideally, those conversations will make room for associated meetings with all key players, including the main opposition party in Taiwan, and eventually lead to direct contacts between the governments in Beijing and Taipei at the highest level. From there, peace would remain a distant and elusive goal, but at least the parties would be headed toward it, not in the opposite direction.

John C. Bersia, who won a Pulitzer Prize in editorial writing for the Orlando Sentinel in 2000, is the special assistant to the president for global perspectives at the University of Central Florida. Reach him at johncbersia@msn.com.